Megawati Sukarnoputri
In this Indonesian name, the name "Sukarnoputri" is a patronymic, not a family name, and the person should be referred to by her given name "Megawati".After serving as Vice-President under Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati became President when Wahid was removed from office in 2001. She ran for re-election in the 2004 presidential election, but was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. She sought a rematch 2009 presidential election, losing again to Yudhoyono.
Megawati was born in Yogyakarta to Sukarno, who had declared Indonesia's independence from the Netherlands in 1945 and Fatmawati, one of his nine wives. Megawati was Sukarno's 2nd child and 1st daughter. She grew up in her father's Merdeka Palace. She danced for her father's guests and developed a gardening hobby. Megawati was 19 when her father relinquished power in 1966 and was succeeded by a government which eventually came to be led by President Suharto. Sukarno's family was pushed into the background by the new government and stayed out of politics.
Megawati attended Padjadjaran University in Bandung to study agriculture but dropped out in 1967 to be with her father following his fall. In 1970, the year her father died, Megawati went to the University of Indonesia to study psychology but dropped out after two years. She is a practising Muslim but also follows traditional Javanese beliefs.
In 1986, Suharto gave the status of Proclamation Hero to Sukarno in a ceremony attended by Megawati. Suharto's acknowledgment enabled the Indonesian Democratic Party, a government-sanctioned party, to campaign on Sukarno nostalgia in the lead-up to the 1987 Legislative Elections. Up to that time, Megawati had seen herself as a housewife, but in 1987 she joined PDI and ran for a People's Representative Council (DPR) membership. PDI accepted Megawati to boost their own image. Megawati quickly became popular, her status as Sukarno's daughter offsetting her lack of oratorical skills. Although PDI came last in the 1987 Legislative Elections, Megawati was elected to the DPR. Like all members of the DPR she also became a member of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).
Megawati wasn't reelected, but continued as a PDI member. In December 1993, PDI held a National Congress. As was always the case when New Order opposition parties held their congresses, the Government actively interfered. As the Congress approached, three individuals contended for the Chair of PDI. The incumbent, Suryadi, had become critical of the Government. The 2nd was Budi Harjono a Government-friendly figure whom the Government backed. The 3rd was Megawati. Her candidacy received such overwhelming support that her election at the Congress became a formality.
When the Congress assembled, the Government stalled and delayed attempts to hold the election. The Congress faced a deadline when their permit to assemble would run out. As the hours ticked down to the end of the Congress, troops began gathering. With only two hours remaining, Megawati called a press conference, stating that because she enjoyed the support of a majority of PDI members, she was now the de facto Chair. Despite her relative lack of political experience, she was popular in part for her status as Sukarno's daughter and because she was seen as free of corruption with admirable personal qualities. Under her leadership, PDI gained a large following among the urban poor and both urban and rural middle classes.
The Government was outraged at its failure to prevent Megawati's rise. They never acknowledged Megawati although her self-appointment was ratified in 1994. In 1996, the Government convened a Special National Congress in Medan that reelected Suryadi as Chair. Megawati and her camp refused to acknowledge the results and PDI divided into pro-Megawati and anti-Megawati camps.
Suryadi began threatening to take back PDI's Headquarters in Jakarta. This threat came true during the morning of 27 July 1996. Suryadi's supporters attacked PDI Headquarters and faced resistance from Megawati supporters stationed there. In the ensuing fight, Megawati's supporters held on to the headquarters. A riot ensued, followed by a government crackdown. The Government later blamed the riots on the People's Democracy Party (PRD); they recognized Suryadi's faction as the official party and banned Megawati from competing in the 1997 Legislative Election.
Despite what seemed to be a political defeat, Megawati scored a moral victory and her popularity grew. When the time came for the 1997 Legislative Elections, Megawati and her supporters threw their support behind the United Development Party, the other approved opposition party.
In mid-1997, Indonesia began to be affected by the Asian Financial Crisis and showed severe economic distress. By late January 1998 the rupiah fell to nearly 15,000 against the dollar, compared to only 4,000 in early December. Combined with increasing public anger at pervasive corruption, this culminated in May 1998 with Suharto's resignation and the assumption of that office by Vice President B. J. Habibie. The restrictions on Megawati were removed and she began to consolidate her political position. In October 1998, her supporters held a National Congress whereby Megawati's PDI faction would now be known as the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle. Megawati was elected Chair and was nominated as PDI-P's Presidential candidate.
PDI-P, together with Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party and Amien Rais' National Mandate Party (PAN), became the leading reform forces. Despite their popularity, Megawati, Wahid and Rais adopted a moderate stance, preferring to wait until the 1999 Legislative Elections to begin major changes. In November 1998, Megawati, together with Wahid, Rais and Hamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to reform through the Ciganjur Statement.
As the 1999 legislative elections approached, Megawati, Wahid and Amien considered forming a political coalition against President Habibie and Golkar. In May Alwi Shihab held a press conference at his house during which Megawati, Wahid and Amien were to announce that they would work together. At the last minute, Megawati chose not to attend, because she decided that she could not trust Amien. In June the 1999 legislative elections were held. PDI-P came 1st with 33% of the votes.
With PDI-P's Legislative Election victory, Megawati's presidential prospects solidified. She was opposed by the United Development Party who didn't want a female President. In preparation for the 1999 MPR General Session, PDI-P formed a loose coalition with PKB. As the MPR General Session approached, it seemed as if the Presidential election would be contested between Megawati and Habibie, but by late June Amien had drawn the Islamic parties into a coalition called the Central Axis. The Presidential election became a three-way race when Amien floated the idea of nominating Wahid for President; but Wahid didn't provide a clear response to the proposal.
Megawati's PDI-P and PKB coalition faced its 1st test when the MPR assembled to choose its Chair. Megawati threw her support behind Matori Abdul Djalil, the Chair of PKB. He was overwhelmingly defeated by Amien, who in addition to enjoying Central Axis support was backed by Golkar. The Golkar and Central Axis coalition struck again when they secured Akbar Tanjung's election as Head of DPR. At this stage, people became wary that Megawati, who best represented reform, was going to be obstructed by the political process and that the status quo was going to be preserved. PDI-P supporters began to gather in Jakarta.
Habibie made a poorly-received speech on political accountability that led him to withdraw. The Presidential election held on 20 October 1999 came down to Megawati and Wahid. Megawati took an early lead, but was overtaken and lost with 313 votes compared to Wahid's 373. Megawati's loss provoked her supporters to revolt. Riots raged in Java and Bali. In the City of Solo, PDI-P masses attacked Amien's house.
The next day, the MPR assembled to elect the Vice President. PDI-P had considered nominating Megawati, but were concerned that the Central Axis and Golkar coalition would again thwart her. Instead, PKB nominated Megawati. She faced stiff competition from Hamzah Haz, Akbar Tanjung and General Wiranto. Well aware of the riots, Akbar and Wiranto withdrew. Hamzah stayed in the race, but Megawati defeated him 396 to 284. In her inauguration speech, she called for calm.
As Vice President, Megawati had considerable authority by virtue of her commanding many seats in the DPR. Wahid delegated to her the problems in Ambon, although she wasn't successful. By the time the MPR Annual Session assembled in August 2000, many considered Wahid to be ineffective as President or as an administrator. Wahid responded to this by issuing a Presidential Decree, giving Megawati day-to-day control of the Government.
The First PDI-P Congress was held in Semarang, Central Java in April 2000, at which Megawati was re-elected as Chair for a 2nd term.
Megawati consolidated her position within PDI-P by taking harsh measures to remove potential rivals. During the election for the Chair, two other candidates emerged; Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono. They ran because they didn't want Megawati to serve concurrently as both Chair and Vice President. Eros' nomination from the South Jakarta branch was voided by membership problems. Eros wasn't allowed to participate in the Congress. Disillusioned with what he perceived to be a cult of personality developing around Megawati, Eros left PDI-P. In July 2002, he formed the Freedom Bull National Party. Although Dimyati's candidacy wasn't opposed as harshly as Eros, he was removed as Head of PDI-P's Central Branch. He kept his position as a People's Representative Council member, but retired in February 2002. In April 2002, Dimyati formed the Our Homeland of Indonesia Party (PITA).
Megawati had an ambivalent relationship with Wahid. During the Cabinet reshuffle of August 2000 for example, Megawati wasn't present for the announcement of the new line-up. At another occasion, when the political tide began to turn against Wahid, Megawati defended him and lashed out against critics. In 2001, Megawati began to distance herself from Wahid as a Special Session of the MPR approached and her prospects of becoming President improved. Although she refused to make any specific comments, she showed signs of preparing herself, holding a meeting with party leaders a day before the Special Session was to start.
On 23 July 2001, the People's Consultative Assembly removed Wahid from office and, on the same day, swore in Megawati as the new president. She thus became the 5th woman to lead a Muslim nation (after Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan, Tansu �iller of Turkey and Khaleda Zia and Hasina Wajed of Bangladesh).
The rise of an icon of opposition against the Suharto regime to the presidency was initially widely welcomed, however it soon became apparent that her presidency was marked with indecisiveness, lack of clear ideological direction, and "a reputation for inaction on important policy issues". The good side of slow progress of reforms and avoiding confrontations was that she stabilized the overall democratization process and relationship between legislative, executive, and military.
She ran for reelection in the 2004 in the country's 1st direct presidential election, hoping to become the 1st woman elected in her own right as head of state in a Muslim nation. However, she was decisively defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the 2nd round, by 61 percent to 39 percent, on 20 September 2004. She didn't attend the new president's inauguration, and never had congratulated him.
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